Is the Xi-Li administration failing China’s environmental governance?

The Xi-Li administration is certainly talking the talk when it comes to environmental issue, but are they walking the walk? Observers offer their verdicts.
The Xi-Li Administration has never been stingy of communicating its ambition of running a greener, if not the greenest, government to the public. On Premier Li Keqiang’s debut press conference in March, he promised an upgrade of China’s economic development model “to enable people to enjoy clean air, safe drinking water and food.” In May, President Xi Jinping told his politburo colleagues that they should never sacrifice the environment for temporary economic growth. The president later reaffirmed his no-environment-sacrifice rhetoric in front a larger crowd on a state visit to Kazakhstan in September.

And the new administration’s effort to present themselves as a green government seemed not to end just by the increasing use of green language. At a cabinet meeting in July, Premier Li revealed that China sought to increase the annual output of its energy conservation and environmental protection sector to 4.5 trillion Yuan by 2015, making the sector a new pillar industry of the country. Later in September, the State Council launched a high-profile 1.7-trillion-Yuan-worth action plan to combat air pollution which highlighted the phasing out of overcapacity of steel, cement and glass.

Given that the brother of the president is the founding chairman of the International Energy Conservation Environmental Protection Association, the administration’s sudden zeal to excel in environmental governance and to increase green investment is not hard to comprehend.

However, despite the seemingly vigorous green efforts of the Xi-Li Administration, the first year of their tenure was marked by growing public discontent for China’s deteriorating environment. An opinion poll conducted by Canton Public Opinion Research Center found that nearly a quarter of respondents were not happy with their ecological environment, a 6% increase from the previous year.

Steve Tsang, the director of the China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham, told chinadialogue that China’s environmental governance in 2013 deserved “a failing grade” though “there is an element of bad luck for the Xi-Li Administration”.

According to Professor Tsang, although the new administration were doing something to improve the environment, the actions did not appear to be enough. “It (the Xi-Li administration) will need to take on the issue much more seriously than it has done so far,” he said, commenting on the worsening smog situation. Despite the new administration’s eagerness to tackle air pollution, heavy hazes haunted Beijing and other northern cities earlier last year came back and engulfed more than 100 cities in early December.

Professor Tsang’s verdict was echoed by Arthur Mol, an environmental policy professor at Wageningen University. “I haven’t been impressed by major powerful new measures being taken,” he told chinadialogue. The revision of Environmental Protection Law, though slowly making improvements in recent drafts, is “still hanging”, Professor Mol added.

China’s Environmental Protection Law, which is currently undergoing major revision, caused great concerns among environmentalists and observers last year. In late June, the second draft of amendments to the Environmental Protection Law reportedly threaten public accessibility to environmental public interest litigation by giving monopoly prosecution right to the government-backed All-China Environment Federation.

Though later drafts u-turned on the controversial decision which was widely seen as backward and unwise – Beijing editor of chinadialogue and veteran environmentalist Liu Jianqiang feared it could “creates a huge obstacle to public participation in environmental protection” – policy-makers’ reluctance and failure to include the public and grassroot environmental protection groups in environmental governance casted doubts over their train of thoughts over environmental governance.

Tang Hao, a professor teaching Politics at the South China Normal University and regular contributor to chinadialogue, said China’s environmental governance could not progress without public participation. Public exclusion would fuel discontent and hence giving rise to the increasingly common environmental protests, he said.

So far the actions taken by the Xi-Li Administration to tackle China’s environmental problems have been partial rather than systematic, according to Tang Hao. “Only if we redesign the environmental governance system and involve the public and grassroot NGOs, can we find the fundamental way of solving China’s environmental problems,” he said, adding that the current system limited the administration’s capability of acting effectively on environment.

But systematic redesign does not come easy. Citing the revision of Environmental Protection Law as an example, environmental governance expert Professor Mol said “even in a model of environmental authoritarianism, leaders that are willing to take radical environmental measure have to deal with bureaucracies that are partly unwilling to give so much priority to the environment.”

Local governments’ preference for economic growth over environment could drag the administration behind. In late December, a reported submitted to the national legislature by China’s cabinet said the country could fail its 12th Five Year Plan emission target if no drastic progress were made by the end of 2015. The stagnant progress of emission reduction was partly blamable to the worship of economic growth and lack of incentives to promote industrial restructuring by the local government, according to an official from the National Development and Reform Commission.

“China’s environmental pollution problem relates closely to the country’s rapid-progressing industrialisation. There won’t be any major improvement as long as China being the world factory,” Chen Gang, a research fellow at National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute, told chinadialogue

“Expecting the new administration to solve the structural problem is hardly practical,” he added.

Beijing air pollution

Smog over Beijing's Forbidden City

Smog over Beijing’s Forbidden City (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

A three-digit reading on the air pollution index would normally unsettle the public, but not in Beijing, and certainly not these days.

Indeed, the smog-stricken Beijing residents are much relieved by the descending 281 reading published yesterday, which the state television CCTV called “an evident improvement”.

The levels of PM 2.5-tiny particulate matter- surged to 500 on Saturday, the highest level on the official monitoring chart and 20 times the daily level considered safe by World Health Organisation.

Beijing Meteorological Bureau issued its first and highest level orange smog warning while experts advised people against going outside.

However, despite the record high air quality index reading and PM 2.5 level, environmental officials insisted that the air quality in Beijing has been improving, claiming “Beijing’s 14-year combat against air pollution has achieved evident improvement”.

While the officials refused to come clean with the worsening air quality of the Chinese capital, residents in Beijing who have greater sense of humour were more than ready to joke about the smoggy weather.

“The furthest distance in the world, is not the distance between life and death, but you can’t see me when I stand next to you on the street in Beijing,” Sina Weibo user and Beijing-based director @Hushufang tweeted.

Beijing was repeatedly and jokingly referred to as the “Capital of Smog” at the cybersphere. Some even went far as suggesting Chen Guangbiao, a Chinese billionaire who had made headlines just a few months ago for launching canned air in China, to sell his product in Beijing.

Even the Global Times, the notoriously most faithful and vocal supporter of the government in the media circle, surprised the nation by asking the authorities to face the truth in its Monday editorial.

“The smoggy weather merely pushes us in front of the mirror again, making us realise how naive the idea of ‘Image Project’ is.”

China’s state television CCTV taunted the capital’s air quality by dedicating a lengthy slot of its flagship news programme News 1+1 (the equivalent of Newsnight in the UK) to “Beijing Cough” and other pollution related symptoms.

Remarkably, one CCTV journalist said on the programme that he had serious skin allergy problem while he was living in Beijing and recovered soon after he moved to Britain.

While it was seen by many the Chinese as an act of disrespect and an effort to demonise China for foreigners to wear masks in Beijing during the 2008 Olympics, it is now a growing trend among the locals in the capital.

Sales of masks and air purifiers shot up. Masks were so popular in the past few days that they were almost sold out in some pharmacies, according to the state run Legal Daily. Chris Buckley, owner of the Torana Clean Air Center in Beijing, told the Wall Street Journal that he had received three times inquiries about air purifier since the smoggy weather.

The most comical episode of all, the Ministry of Environmental Protection was found inviting tenders for an air purifier a few days ago, though it later denied the procurement having anything to do with air quality in Beijing.

Liu Futang’s case casts shadow on China’s environment commitment

China’s renowned environmental reporter Liu Futang was sentenced to a 3 year probation against the backdrop of the ruling Communist Party’s increasing emphasis on “Ecological Civilisation”.

The veteran environmentalist was found guilty by the local court in South China Hainan Province for “illegal business activities” and fined £1,700 last Wednesday.

The prosecutors claimed Liu had profited illegally from his self-publishing books despite that Liu gave away most of his books for free. The trial against Liu opened in October was believed to be a political retaliation as Liu’s books exposed environmental degradations caused by government-backed projects.

Wednesday’s conviction, came only weeks after 18th Party Congress’s high profile advocacy of building a “Ecological Civilisation”, is believed to effectively silence the vocal environmentalist.

The self-contradicted act has casted shadow on China’s environmental commitment and worried China’s green activists.
Feng Yongfeng, founder of the Beijing-based NGO Green Beagle, regretted that the judicial authorities in Hainan still misjudged local green activists’ intention.

“The judicial authorities in Hainan still badly underestimate local green activists’ role,” Feng said, “they have treated the people who care for the local environment most as the people who hate the local development most. They have tried every way to framed them.”

While Liu was being trialled, the construction of the government-backed power plant project which Liu had previously spoken against resumed, according to Radio Free Asia. The project near Yinggehai town has sparked a month-long conflict between local residents and the government in March.

A local resident told Radio Free Asia that the opposition had been muted by fear. “There’s nothing to be done…if you make a fuss they just put you down,” he said.

Not all local green activists are dejected by Liu’s conviction.

Liu Jianqiang, Chinadialogue’s Beijing Editor and veteran environmentalist, said “what the local officials do, such as convicting Liu Futang, does not necessarily mean that the party hierarchy’s advocacy of ‘Ecological Civilisation’ is an empty talk.”

“The party hierarchy has the determination to build an ecological civilisation,” he said, “they have just come into power, and they need time to carry out their ideas.”

Some even saw the silver lining in the case.

Feng Yongfeng said that Liu’s case had raised the public concern toward the Hainan’s environmental issues so that local green activists would keep exposing any future environmental destruction.

“The government may not necessarily have learnt the lesson, but the public certainly have,” Feng added.

Review: Beijing Coma

 

Although Milan Kundera has famously written in his novel The Book of Laughter and Forgetting that “the struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting”, it is still very difficult to explain how and why a period of Chinese history could have disappeared so completely from the national memory. 23 years has passed since the blood-stained night in 1989 and all the memories about the Tiananmen Massacre has been conveniently deleted from people’s past. But Ma Jian, the writer of Red Dust and Stick Out Your Tongue, did not believe the amnesia hypothesis. His fiction Beijing Coma, paperback published by the Vintage Press in 2009, was set to fight against forgetting.

the cover of Beijing Coma

The title of Ma Jian’s fiction, Beijing Coma, is wordplay. We all live like Dai Wei, the protagonist, in a comatose state: Dai Wei, who was shot in the head when fleeing the massacre in Tiananmen Square, is conscious in mind but imprisoned by his comatose body; we, however, are the prisoners of our comatose minds. People trade in their political ardour for economic growth.

Lying in his sickbed for 10 years, Dai Wei witnessed the world change around him. His friends, with whom he protested on the Tiananmen Square for democracy, had given up their political pursuit and given in to the reality. His mother, who was once a fervent defender of the Communist Party, had been disillusioned by the close observation of the police and the refusal of the government to pay for Dai Wei’s medical cost. His house, where his mentally unstable mother tends to him, was to be demolished to make way for his first love girlfriend’s estate development plan – a shopping mall for the Olympics.

Past memories of the square haunt Dai Wei all the time. In fact, his flashback is the second narrative of the novel, accounting the events of the 1989 spring day by day, minute by minute. Well-placed on the periphery of the protest student leadership as the security head, Dai Wei was the witness of the protest leadership’s struggle and squabble. Egotistical, fractious and competitive, the leadership presented by Dai Wei’s memories was far from perfect, but nevertheless their eagerness to promote democracy made them likable then. However, when the same bunch of people visited their comrade in a vegetative state 10 years later, Dai Wei sadly found that “no one talks about the Tiananmen protests anymore.”

The slaughter on the square that spring might has faded away in people’s memory, but oppression never has and never will. In the finale, Ma Jian skilfully wove the past slaughter and the current oppression together. The demolition of Dai Wei’s house echoes his painful memory of the massacre. The scene of Dai Wei’s friend Bai Ling being mowed down by the tanks recurred. “Her face was completely flat. A mess of black hair obscured her longated mouth,” our protagonist vividly remembered, lying motionless. The next minute, his house was torn down despite no agreement between his mother and the developers having reached.

Though positioned as a fiction novel, Beijing Coma is more faithful to history than many non-fictions. The author Ma Jian himself has participated in the pro-democracy movement in 1989, but he left Beijing to tend to his brother who just had a car accident a few weeks before the massacre and narrowly escaped the bloody slaughter. To make the description of the events on the square as accurate as possible, Ma Jian spent 10 years researching, calling up witnesses for their accounts and writing.

The story of the protagonist Dai Wei and his family is a miniature of the contemporary China. The Culture Revolution in the 1960s and 1970s, the Bourgeois Liberalization in the 1980s, the Tiananmen Massacre in 1989 and the crackdown of Falun Gong in 1999, every single major landmark in the contemporary Chinese history is reflected in Beijing Coma. The contents might resemble ambitious history records, but Ma Jian’s style of writing is far from tedious and trifling. Indeed, the tone of Beijing Coma is bitterly humorous. In order to pay for Dai Wei’s medical cost, his mother had to sell one of his kidneys to a wealthy businessman and marketed his urine as miracle cure.

History is the nightmare from which we all try to awake, but the choice remains, as Ma Jian tried to show in Beijing Coma, between a comatose body and a comatose mind.

 

Kidney trafficking case tried in Beijing

Local Procuratorate in Bejing has prosecuted 16 suspects of organ trafficking recently, the Beijing News reports.

The case involving organ traffickers and surgeons was described by an unnamed official as the biggest organised organ trafficking case in China’s history.

The traffickers conducted 51 kidney removal operations and the money involved in this case exceeded 10m Yuan (£1m).

Zheng Wei, the principal suspect of the case haired surgeons from Anhui Province in the name of a famous Beijing hospital.

Doctors usually arrived in the morning and left on the same day after 3 to 6 kidney removal operations.

Most operations were conducted at a hospital in Southeastern China Xuzhou city and a villa in Beijing during a 9 month period from March 2010 to December 2010.

The villa was dirty and poorly equipped according to the one of the suspect.

The traffickers first advertised online, and then contacted and arranged “donors” – people who were willing to sell their kidneys for money. After the kidney removal operation, each “donor” would be compensated from 20,000 Yuan (£2k) to 25,000 Yuan (£2.5k) for their kidney.

Most “donors” sold their kidney for economic needs and did not consider themselves as victims. Some of them even suggested the money-for-kidney conduct as a fair trade.

The kidneys removed were sold to uraemia patients in need of new kidneys

In 2010, Japanese television reported that a group of “transplant tourists” paid £50,000 to receive kidney transplant in China.

Organ trafficking is illegal under China’s laws. However, the great demand of organ transplant and the relatively loose penalty on organ trafficking results in the prosperity of organ black market.

For those who can read Chinese:

http://news.163.com/12/0301/02/7RFQT4FV00014AED.html

The recent online row about Peking University’s chancellor

I have accidentally got myself into an online “row” recently and the other party of this disagreement was the élite graduates of Peking University (PKU).

It all started when I saw some appalling tweets from one of my primary school classmate who is now studying economy in the US and happens to be a PKU alumnus.

She commented the recent online row on PKU’s Chancellor Zhou Qifeng: “outsiders who can’t even go to PKU do not have the right to criticise our chancellor. I now find that some journalists who work for the Southern Media Group are not only retarded but also have no shame. If you are so capable, why don’t you be the chancellor of PKU? If you are so capable, why don’t you go to PKU? All you guys saying are just sour grapes.”

I was quite shocked by the words of my long-time friend who I’d known for 15 years even though I knew she was outraged by the criticism targeting at the PKU’s bureaucratisation and the decay of the free spirit of academia.

The online row was triggered by two photos that showing the chancellor’s extra-happy smiling face when he was showing the now deputy Premier and future No 2 of China’s politics Li Keqiang around Peking University campus. Btw, Mr Li is also an alumnus of PKU.

I though the person who first put up those photos was not seriously criticising the chancellor but rather seeing it as a joke. And that person was most likely a current student of PKU who happened to take the picture with his own mobile phone.

However, when these photos had been retweeted by thousands of microblog users and the cybersphere had become critical for PKU and its loss of integrity, the whole thing went sour.  PKU students and alumni felt demonised and victimised. They were particularly outraged when the media chipped in – a caricaturist who works for the Southern Media Group drew a caricature of the chancellor featuring him as a doggy person standing on a pile of shit and waving a bone.

It was meant to be a satire. However, many PKU students and alumni, like my friend, have taken it overseriously. They began to argue that people criticise PKU because of their jealousy.

This, however, has gone too far and their arguments are full of fallacies. And below are my rebuttals.

  1. Not everyone dreams about going to PKU. I have not even once dreamt about being a student of PKU, neither do many people in China even though there’s no denying that PKU being one of the top universities.
  2. Not attending PKU does not necessarily mean insufficient intelligence. People’s capability and ability do not be decided on which university they go to. Book-smart does not necessarily equal capable or able.
  3. People do not need to attend PKU to criticise the problem that university has problems. Just like that people do not need to cook to critique a dish, or publish books to critique other people’s writing.
  4. A caricaturist who creates a satire of a public figure does not need to be the target of abusive language. He is simply doing his job which is to use an exaggerated art form to express the public view.
  5. The chancellor of the top university has the moral responsibility of being a model of academic independence and integrity. When he fails to do so, he should at least not present himself as a part of the bureaucracy.

New-born baby abandoned in street found dead in NE China

I have never underestimated the inhumanity of people. Neither had I been prepared to see them display in parents for there is an ancient Chinese saying that “even a ferocious tiger will not eat its offspring.”

However, I had been so naively to believe in humanity which clearly did not exist in some people and be slapped in the face by the cruel reality.

Local newspaper in Harbin reported that an abandoned baby was found dead in the street yesterday. Witness said the baby boy was put in a plastic bag and thrown out from a car driving-by. When a passer-by saw the baby and he/she removed him to the roadside. But it was too late. The baby boy has already been rolled over by other cars not aware of his existence.

Needless to say, I was outraged by this tragedy as soon as I read the news. But then, a few moments later, the anger became sadness and reflection.

Though there is no report on who abandoned the baby and why he/she abandoned the baby on a busy road, I assume this inhuman act was done by the parents or the next of kin. They are the most reasonable yet unthinkable suspects. Reasonable, because they were possibly the only people who could access the new-born baby. Unthinkable, because they were the least impossible people you would expect them to conduct this coldblooded murder.

I mean, on what earth will the parents or the next of kin murder their own baby? And why!!!

I can only think of several possible reasons of the malicious act: a) the baby boy was a bastard and his parent(s) wanted to be rid of him for various reasons; b) the baby boy was not the first child of the family and the parent(s) in fear of huge sum of penalty for violating the One-child policy wanted to be rid of him for financial reason; c) the baby boy was born with some disease or disabilities that his family couldn’t afford the money for his medical treatment;

But never will there be a reason to justify the inhuman act.

China to tighten immigration policy

After opening door to welcome foreigners for decades, China is considering to tighten its border control.

A new entry and exit administration regulation which requires all foreigners to hold a valid work permits/work visas before working in China has been discussed by the standing committee of NPC on 26 December.

Under the new regulation, foreigners who are employed or paid for their work without work permits/work visas or undertake employment specified in the work permits as well as International students working outside their permitted hours will be deemed as undertaking illegal employment.

Foreigners found undertaking illegal employment could be repatriated and banned entry for five years.

Vice minister of the Ministry of the Public Security Yang Channing said the new regulation will reflect the country’s policy preference of encouraging high-end talents  to work in China and restricting unskilled workers’ entry.

A talent-importing-guideline which will adjust to the need of social economic development and the demand-supply of human resources will be published by the government under the new regulation.

China now has more than 230,000 foreign work permit holders, and experts believe that the actual number of foreign employees in China could be much higher.

for more information

http://news.163.com/11/1227/02/7M8FOJ5U0001124J.html

http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2011-12/27/c_122488977.htm

China bans Cantonese in broadcasting

Yes, yes, yes, I know it is crazy, but some people have to do the crazy thing to embarrass themselves from time to time. And this time, it’s banning the use of Cantonese in TV and radio broadcasting.

Local media in Guangdong has recently reported that the authority decided to ban Cantonese use in broadcasting and traditional Chinese characters in everyday life.

For those who do not know what Cantonese is and what the significance of banning it is, here is a little background knowledge.

Cantonese is the main language spoken by people in Southern China Guangdong province, Hong Kong and Macau. It is also widely used by overseas Chinese and people of Chinese origin. Cantonese differ greatly with Mandarin in pronunciation though their writing systems are similar.

In many ways, its status is a bit like Cymric in the UK. Now that you know its China’s equivalent of Cymric, you can see why I say it is a crazy thing to ban the use of Cantonese in broadcasting.

So, why the government wants to do such a crazy thing? That is the big question.

There are many possibilities. Some are more likely. Others are just a wild guess.

Possibility 1: the government want to unify the language in broadcasting. This is the reason given by the government.

Ever since the Emperor Qing, one has been an indicator of unity and strength of the country.  The Chinese government pushes this worship even further –  one ideology, one party, one-world-one-dream and even one child policy – these are just a few examples.  They are so obsessed with the notion “one” no wonder that they want to eliminate other languages and create the dominance of one mainstream language – Mandarin – at all costs.

Possibility 2: the use of Cantonese in broadcasting makes it difficult to monitor contents that the government wants to get rid of the language barrier.

Unfortunately, all programmes broadcasted in China will be monitored. The job of monitoring and “gatekeeping” are mostly undertaken by people who are “politically correct” (meaning obeying the party in every way). However, in most cases, people who tend to be “politically correct” do not speak Cantonese and hence the language barrier causes many troubles in the whole censoring system.

Possibility 3: the government are taking a precaution act to avoid future embarrassment for the country’s leader-in-waiting.

This is a wild guess raised by many netizens. You know who is succeeding Hu? Yes, it’s him, Mr Xi. The formal title of the party’s highest leader is the secretary-general and “zong” is a short form for it. So, in China we call Mr Hu Jingtao “Hu Zong”. When Mr Xi Jinping succeeds Mr Hu, he will be called “Xi Zong”. Very very unluckily, in Cantonese, “Xi Zong” pronounces “Za Zong” which is a homophone of the Chinese word “bastard”.

“Oh my god, calling the most powerful person “bastard” is so disrespectful. We cannot let this happen.” This must be what the authority thinking when they ban the use of Cantonese in broadcasting. After all, the leader’s news is always the major news and no one wants to call the dear future leader “bastard” 50 times a day.

The list of possibilities could run forever, but none should justify the banning, not even the most ridiculous ones.

Why there won’t be a China Spring

The sudden and mysterious death of a village leader, Qian Yunhui, who petitioned a land dispute, last winter, about the same time when western people celebrated their Christmas, angered the wakening Chinese netizens. Discontented by the official explanations, they launched their own inquiries into the matter.

Nothing seriously significant has come out of the self-organised inquiries into Qian’s case, but history found another way to repeat itself. Last week, news came that a 41-year-old protestor Xue Jinbo in Southern ChinaWukan Village died in police custody. The authority claimed the death being the result of a sudden heart attack while families of the dead said they saw wounds and bruise on the body.

Emblem of Communist Party of China defined in ...

Image via Wikipedia

The cybersphere was boiled by the death of Xue Jinbo and world media was attracted by Wukan people’s standoff with the government. Within days, the little-known village in Southern China made world headlines.

Will this struggle, this misfortune of a man, be the turning point, like what have happened in Tunisia and the Middle East when a street wanderer set himself to fire? Will there be a China Spring, or more precisely, a China Winter?

The optimistics are nodding their heads, saying “yes, this time is different.” They are right, partially. Times are different. Unlike the protest happened in the late 1980’s, when there were no internet, no social network, no instant communication means, the government will have a hard time censored all the online information. They can no longer send in the tanks, suppress a protest, clean up the evidence and then drive away, pretending nothing has ever happened. No, no, they cannot do that anymore.

Certainly, the development of technology has empowered people, but it would be naive to believe that they have no means controlling the flow of information. If anything to be learnt from the Chinese government’s handling of Tibet and Xinjiang in the last two years, it is that the government is still in firm control of the flow of information, physically. The internet service is in the hand of the central government, so are the landline and mobile services. In the extreme case like Xinjiang, all outside connection could be cut off for 6 months. You won’t be able to browse the internet or text messages, let alone organising any significant protests or sending out information.

So, I am not with the optimistics and I do not see a significant change coming, not in the foreseeable future (in 10-15 years’ time). There are several reasons why I should be pessimistic: a) the lack of free flow of information; b) people’s belief in the hierarchy; c) the nonexistence of a real alternative.

Censorships in all forms

I have previously discussed the lack of free flow of information in China. For people who still remember what happened in the Arab Spring would know how important a role the internet and social networking played earlier this year. However, China has perhaps the most advanced technology in the world when it comes to censoring contents. Anything regarded less than desirable to the authority will be quickly and most times automatically censored.

If you think the technology is the only weapon that the government has, you are terribly wrong. The best weapon of any regime would undoubtedly being fear. The Beijing municipal government recently issued a regulation that requires people to use their real names to verify their microblog accounts. According to China’s state media Xinhua, “web users need to give their real names to website administrators before being allowed to put up microblog posts.”

Hurray! So, goodbye to anonymity, the core value of internet. The police would find it easier and easier to penalise people who spread “rumours” and “inaccurate information” (mostly truth that will embarrass the authorities).

For those who do not recognise the significance of this new regulation, the country has a habit of piloting policies in a certain area before introducing them countrywide. The new regulation may be effective only in Beijing at the moment, there’s no certainty that they won’t be introduced to other parts of the country.

Indeed, the authorities do not need to introduce the regulation countrywide. All they want to achieve would probably just be imposing fear into people’s mind so that they could self-censor and be turned back into the silent spiral.

“Long live the Communist Party”

The general public’s attitude towards the Communist Party has been very complicated. On one hand, the corruption within the party and the government has anguished and angered the nation. On the other hand, most people paradoxically believe that the corruption happens only among the lower level of authorities and the party/government hierarchy is clean and just.

This has been very evident in Wukan’s defiance. The villagers kick out all party officers but still have faith in the central government and the party hierarchy. During their protests, the villagers chanted slogans like “Down with corrupt officials” as well as “Long live the Communist Party”.

Call it naive, or call it innocent. This trust with the hierarchy has been run through Chinese people’s brood. It’s not just Wukan. It’s visible in every single Chinese struggle. Even during the Tian’anmen movement, the watershed of China’s politics, protesters were holding the belief that the hierarchy would solve all the problems. And that was possibly why they kneel down in front of the Great Hall of People, the parliament house of the country.

Absent alternative

No, there’s no opposition party in China.

There are parties other than the Communist Party, but they are vases. They followed the lead of the CCP and seldom if not never challenge the party.

Well, what about Mr Liu who won the Nobel Peace Prize? Yes, he drafted the Chapter 08, an alternative constitution. But you have seen what happened to him after the draft. I can guarantee you if anyone else wants to propose an alternative, he/she will be meeting Mr Liu in cell before he can publicise his/her advocacy.

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